فراخوان جلسه سخنرانی کمیته دفاع از محیط زیست ۸ فوریه ۲۰۱۹

فراخوان جلسه سخنرانی کمیته دفاع از محیط زیست 
اکو سیستم زنده ای که امروز تخریب می شود ، فردا دوباره سر بر نخواهد آورد
سخنرانی، بحث و گفتگو، پرسش و پاسخ
سخنرانان و موضوع سخنرانی:
کاوه شیخ محمدی:                    
گزارش و تحلیل موارد نقض حقوق طبیعی محیط زیست در ماه گذشته
سمیه حسین زاده ثانی: 
قانون الحاق ایران به کنوانسیون حمایت میراث فرهنگی و طبیعی جهان (بخش دوم)
آرش یادگار:                 
تضاد امنیت آبی و غذایی در جمهوری اسلامی
احسان رضایی نژاد:
فعالان محیط زیست در محیطِ  تهدید، زندان، شکنجه و مرگ!
تبادل نظر،پرسش وپاسخ درپایان هربخش
بحث آزاد: 
وضعیت زیست محیطی ایران بعد از گذشت ۴۰ سال از مدیریت جمهوری اسلامی
زمان: جمعه ۸ فوریه ۲۰۱۹ برابر با ۱۹ بهمن ۱۳۹۷ ، ساعت ۱۸:۰۰ به وقت اروپای مرکزی و ۲۰:۳۰ به وقت ایران
محل برگزاری: فضای مجازی پالتالک، اتاق کمیته محیط زیست

Paltalk

Social, Issues and Politics

Human Rights

Kanoon Defa az Hoghogh Bashar dar Iran, Mohitzist

مسؤل جلسه: کاوه شیخ محمدی

منشی جلسه: سمیه علیمرادی

ادمین: علی شعبان زاده، کاوه شیخ محمدی، سمیه علیمرادی

کانون دفاع از حقوق بشر در ایران

کمیته دفاع از محیط زیست ایران

فراخوان جلسه سخنرانی کمیته دفاع از حقوق جوان و دانشجو ۱۷ فوریه ۲۰۱۹

ماده ۱ اعلامیه جهانی حقوق بشر:
تمام افراد بشر آزاد به دنیا می آیند و از لحاظ حیثیت و حقوق با هم برابرند .همه دارای عقل و وجدان می باشند و باید نسبت به یکدیگر با روح برابری رفتار کنند.
کمیته دفاع از حقوق جوان و دانشجو برگزار میکند
سخنرانی، پرسش و پاسخ، بحث و گفتگو
سخنرانان و موضوع سخنرانی :
بنیامین رجبیان:
گزارش و تحلیل موارد نقض حقوق جوان و دانشجو در ماه گذشته
سیاوش پرویزی باران:
بررسی ماده ۷ اعلامیه جهانی حقوق بشر (همه در برابر قانون مساوی هستند)
و مقایسه ان با قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران
رسول پورآزاد:
معضلات اجتماعی جوانان در ایران
مهرداد صفری اسکویی:
زبان مادری و اهمیت یادگیری آن (هویت ،ناریخ و فرهنگ انسانها)
احمد ملازاده: 
چرائی افزایش زندانیان سیاسی و عقیدتی در سال گذشته
تبادل نظر، پرسش و پاسخ در پایان هر بخش
بحث آزاد:
عدالت اجتماعی 
زمان برگزاری: یکشنیه ۱۷ فوریه ۲۰۱۹ ساعت ۱۵ به وقت اروپای مرکزی
مکان برگزاری: فضای مجازی، پالتالک، اتاق کمیته دفاع از حقوق جوان و دانشجو 

Paltalk : View all

Social Issues and Politics

Human Rights

KanoonDefaazHoghogh Bashar dar Iran danedhjoo-kanoon

مسئول جلسه: ابوالفضل پرویزی

منشی جلسه:علی هژبری

ضیط صدا و تدوین: مهراب امیدی اسلامی، ابوالفضل پرویزی

ادمینها:معصومه توکلی، بنیامین رجبیان، ابوالفضل پرویزی، احسان حیاک

کانون دفاع از حقوق بشر در ایران 

کمیته دفاع از حقوق جوان و دانشجو

اطلاعیه شماره ۱۰۹۶ کمیته دفاع از محیط زیست در خصوص فروش خاک ایران!!!؟

فروش خاک ایران!!!؟ سود جویی و حاشیه امنیت باندهای ذیربط

 همه میدانیم که: آب و خاک از مهم‌ترین و استراتژیک ترین عوامل توازن و حفاظت از محیط زیست، همچنین شاخص اصلی در تأمین امنیت غذایی یک کشور به شمار می‌روند و ارتباط مستقیمی با حیات انسان و جانداران دارد. اما نکته نگران کننده این است که در چند سال اخیر پدیده قاچاق خاک هم به کارنامه سیاه جمهوری اسلامی ایران اضافه شده است. خاک را در سکوت مطلق به کشورهای حاشیه خلیج‌ فارس برای ساخت جزایر مصنوعی قاچاق می کنند. 

وجود خاک حاصل خیز در مراتع کشور و از سویی دیگر، محروم بودن کشورهای حاشیه خلیج ‌فارس از خاک مستعد، زمینه سوداگرانه قاچاق خاک را فراهم آورده است. طبق تحقیقات به‌عمل‌آمده، برای اینکه یک سانتی‌متر خاک شکل بگیرد در حدود ۶۰۰ سال زمان لازم است. از طرفی عمق خاک کشاورزی نزدیک به ۳۰ سانتی متر می باشد و درون خاک موجودات زنده ای هستند که با برداشت سطح خاک از بین می روند و این تخریب باعث می شود گیاهان رشد نکنند و باعث تبدیل زمین از دایر به بایر شود. حال با توجه به موارد گفته شده باید از قاچاق خاک جلوگیری به عمل آید. چرا که توسعه این امر می‌تواند خسارت سنگینی به عرصه‌های طبیعی و مراتع کشور وارد کند و زمین را از محیطی کشاورزی به محیط لم ‌یزرع تبدیل کند. 

این ذهنیت که: ایران کشوری وسیع است و خاک کم ندارد، یک تصور کاملا غلط است.

طبق آمار و اطلاعات از مجموع ۱۶۵ میلیون هکتار وسعت کشور تنها ۱۸,۵ میلیون هکتار خاک کاربرد زراعت دارد. ۱۰ تا ۱۱ درصد خاک کشور مستعد کشاورزی است و ایران از لحاظ خاک حاصلخیز برای کشاورزی کشور فقیری در جهان محسوب می شود. 

قاچاق خاکِ ایران به خارج از کشور در حالی ادامه دارد که رئیس انجمن علوم خاک ایران از فرسایش سالانه «دو میلیارد تن» از خاک کشور خبر داده و خسارت ناشی از فرسایش خاک در ایران را «معادل ۵۶ میلیارد دلار» در سال برآورد شده است.  

انتخاب مسئولان غیر متخصص و ناکارآمد در سازمان محیط زیست و انتساب آقازاده ها برای مدیریت در نهادهای وابسته به آن ، باعث شده که شرح وظایف، بجای حفظ و حمایت از محیط زیست به تخریب و درآمد از محیط زیست تغییر کند .

 شایان ذکر است منافع ملی، تنها به معنای حفظ تمامیت ارضی نیست، با توجه به این که خاک منبعی تجدید ناپذیر است لازم است هر چه سریعتر اقدام بعمل آید و جلوی قاچاق خاک به کشورهای همسایه گرفته شود. شاید قاچاق خاک از کشور تنها نوعی از قاچاق باشد که آینده نسلی از یک ملت را به نابودی بکشاند؛ چراکه امنیت غذایی در گرو کشاورزی است و کشاورزی بدون خاک غیرممکن است.

براساس اصل ۵۰ قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، حفاظت محیط زیست وظیفه عمومی است و هر فعالیت اقتصادی و غیره که با آلودگی محیط زیست و تخریب غیرقابل جبران آن ملازمه پیدا کند، ممنوع است. 

ما اعضای کمیته دفاع از محیط زیست ایران با استناد به معاهدات بین المللی حقوق بشری، محیط زیست را به عنوان یک حق مستقل حقوق بشری می دانیم و برای داشتن محیط زیستِ با کیفیت خواستار اجرای بدون شرط اهداف ۱۷ گانه سند ۲۰۳۰ یونسکو بخصوص هدف دوم: (پایان دادن به گرسنگی، دستیابی به امنیت غذایی و بهبود تغذیه و ترویج کشاورزی پایدار) و هدف پانزدهم: (حفاظت، بازیابی و ترویج استفاده پایدار از اکوسیستم های زمینی، مدیریت پایدار جنگل ها، مبارزه با بیابان زایی، متوقف و معکوس نمودن فرسایش زمین و توقف از بین بردن تنوع زیستی)، و همچنین خواستار توقف قاچاق خاک مرغوب و حاصلخیز ، تخریب منابع غیرقابل جبران کشور ، برخورد با متخلفان ، چپاولگران و عاملان این پدیده در راستای حفظ منابع ملی و میهنی می باشیم.

۱۰۹۶

کانون دفاع از حقوق بشر در ایران

 کمیته دفاع از محیط زیست

کلیپ صوتی دریچه ایی رو به آگاهی (نسل کشی و دادخواهی)

 نسل‌کشی، جرمی قدیمی و مفهومی جدید است. البته از یک رهگذر توضیح نسل‌کشی به کسانی که از آن متاثر نشده‌اند سخت به نظر می‌رسد همگان با ضرورت مقابله قانونی با جرم قتل انسان‌ها آشنایند و هر کشوری نیز قانونی برای ممنوعیت و مجازات این جرم دارد. ولی کشتار جمعی یک گروه از انسان‌ها به دست گروهی دیگر در حوزه مسئولیت حقوقی متفاوت جای می‌گیرد.این نفرت از کجا ناشی می‌شود ؟ چگونه یک کشور می‌تواند این‌گونه خصومت را بر ضد گروهی از مردمان خود برافروزد؟ چه نوع شرایط حادی می‌تواند این نوع کشتار عمومی را باعث شود ؟‌ چه نوع دید گاه ایدئولوژیکی درباره حال و آینده این فرآیند را هدایت می‌کند؟ این افراد به دنبال ساختن چه نوع جامعه‌ای هستند؟ و چه واژه علمی می‌تواند به طور کامل این اعمال سهمگین را توصیف نماید؟ 

مهمانان برنامه :رضوان مقدم ( پژوهشگر، فعال حقوق بشر و فعال حقوق زنان ) و حمید حمیدی ( محقق، پژوهشگر و فعال حقوق بشر )
با اجرای : مریم مرادی
تدوین : محمد گلستان جو

 

How I Became a Baha’i

Source: mbamdadan.blogspot.com

Translation by Iran Press Watch

Mazdak Bamdadan – Recently, I was invited by the Iran Society in Frankfurt to give a talk about the Shahnameh of Firdawsi. After the talk and the conversation that ensued, I headed home after midnight. As is my habit, in order to ease the tension of the talk and regain my inner calm, I listened to the magical sound of the setar played by Ahmad Ebadi, performing the radif by his father, Mirza Abdullah. Ebadi had reached the “Nahib” gousheh (melody)6, when a dear friend called and, in a tone laced with sarcasm, said: “Did you know you have become a Baha’i?” Apparently, a progressive Muslim had recently purchased my book1 and said to the sales clerk: “Did you know the author of this book is a Baha’i?” Besides, at the talk in Frankfurt, someone had mentioned that the speaker was a Baha’i.

Ebadi had reached the “Naghmeh” gousheh, and the name of this gousheh threw me back to times of my childhood. Naghmeh was the name of a Baha’i girl, and a close friend of one of my relatives. I remember one day we were guests in that kind relative’s house, and Naghmeh was also helping in the kitchen, and on our way back home, the conversation was all about whether she had touched the food in our plates. And if I could set myself free of my shame, the question was whether what we had eaten was “unclean”.

My true introduction to the “misguided Baha’i sect”, though, started at the age of ten or eleven, when of my own will and curiosity, and perhaps in the hope of becoming a better Muslim, in the city of Marand I started attending the summer course on “the Qur’an and the Principles of the Faith”, taught by an exiled cleric and a follower of the “Hujjatieh Society”. It was there that I learned that Baha’is get together in weekly gatherings, and when the night comes, turn off the lights, and men and women, strangers to each other, mix together. Midway through adolescence, I gradually took small halting steps in research in the history of Iran, and found that Muslim historian, have also said about the Khoramdinan: “Up to this day, a group of Babakian remain in the mountains of Bazin, who are supported by the rulers of Azerbaijan. They are the Khorramieh, and one night a year, men and women get together, and turn off the lights, and any man who can take a woman, she is his.”2

Ebadi had reached the “Jameh Daran” gousheh of his father, Mirza Abdu’llah’s radif. The bird of my thoughts had flown to the skies of a faraway past, as if thousands of years away. We moved to Tehran in 1976. Almost immediately, I registered in the Imam-ul-Qa’im library. What a surprise that the first book I found was the book “Prince Dolgoruki”. It was by reading this book that I learned how a Russian spy, by the name of Kiniaz Dolgoruki3, came to Iran, and by assuming the name Sheikh Ali Lankarani, gained access to the lessons of Sheikh Ahmad Ahsa’i and Siyyid Kazim Rashti, and in a short time succeeded in convincing Siyyid Ali Muhammad, who had apparently lost his mind and all reason in the scorching sun of Bushihr, that he was the promised Mahdi, and thus, by the order of the Tsar of Russia, created the Babi Faith, which was the beginning of the Baha’i Faith.

It was in Europe that I was introduced to the writings of a historian and figure in the Islamic regime, Abdollah Shahbazi, about the Baha’is. Shahbazi, is a modern version of Morteza Ahmad Akhundi, the author the book “Prince Dolgoruki”, who attempted, through fallacious logic, to prove that the “misguided Baha’i sect” was from the beginning a product of imperialist forces, and that they should not be dealt with as followers of a religion, but as spies and foreign agents.

In Tehran, I had a few Baha’i schoolmates, with whom I would discuss their Faith, and it was perhaps their good nature that did not let what I had learned about them pull me over the precipice of animosity towards them, to the point that I even lied to my family about one of them so I could go to his home and celebrate his birthday with him. Ebadi was now playing the “Tarab-Angiz” gousheh.

Before I realized it I was in my adolescent years, and the horrific storm of the Islamic Revolution appeared and rolled up the scroll of my life. Ebadi was playing the “Shahr-Ashoob” gousheh, and I kept running staggeringly around the back alleys of a world that was no more. In the early years I would only hear that here and there a Baha’i had been dismissed from work, and since everyone unanimously spoke of their ties to Israel, the United States and England, and since they were associated with a group of “capitalist leeches”, such as Sabet-Pasal, not only those dismissals, but even the execution of Baha’is and their leaders were not given much attention by the revolutionaries, whether Marxists, or Islamists. Our shortcoming was that in those days we had not yet read the “Three Letters by Mirza Aqa Khan Kirmani”, to know what had befallen the Babis in the days of the Martyr King (Naser al-Din Shah Qajar):

Those poor people, their hands tied, their clothes torn, their beards and moustaches shorn off, their faces soiled in dirt and blood, and spat on, were brought from Shamsu’l-Imareh to Shah Square. Anyway, in that tumult and uproar, that ruckus and terror, where innocent itinerants and vulgar ruffians alike were hurling blame and insults upon them, they were seated in the center of the square, and those cruel people were striking them with saws and axes, as they chanted verses – in praise of Imam Ali – and each one of them was faced with a Dervish, and as the round of chanting finished, the saws and axes were brought down on their heads. The townspeople were standing around observing, clapping, cheering, and admiring these violent and unseemly acts. This encouragement affected those Dervishes, such that each round of chanting was louder than the last, and the axes were brought down harder on those people’s heads, until they were finished with them. After those godless thugs had murdered those heartsore people in this manner, they did not leave their dead bodies alone. For the pleasure of the spectators, and the enjoyment of the observers, they doused those shattered corpses with gasoline, set them on fire, and ended with another round of their sacred chant.

Ebadi was playing the “Jameh Daran” gousheh, and the darksome and terrific years of the ‘80s arrived. While fleeing one city for another, I met a Baha’i family in Qazvin. The father, to escape death, had recanted his Faith and deserted his beloved children. Every time he wished to see, embrace and inhale the fragrance of his adolescent daughter, he had to go far out of town to a desolate place, hidden from the eyes of the guards of the Imam Faqih (Islamic jurist), where his tears would blend with his daughter’s. Then there was another family: both husband and wife were teachers who had been dismissed from their jobs and had started a small shop, to which no Muslim customers would go, so an educated man who had made his living by teaching children, rolled up his sleeves to work as a manual laborer. The Revolution was here. These were foreign spies, and that they were not all massacred was a sign of the wisdom of our glorious Revolution.

“Mooyeh” is one of the goushehs that always makes me sad. Ebadi was playing, and in that midnight slowly turning to dawn, I was thinking that we Iranians should one day accept responsibility for our own actions, and just like the current generation of Germans who are paying for the sins of their fathers, know that, in different aspects, we are indebted to the Baha’is and the Babis, and we should one day repay this historic and cultural debt. When for the first time I took a book by Aramesh Doostdar to a gathering of friends, an acquaintance asked me: “Did you know he is a Baha’i too?” I did not answer him. But I thought to myself: “No, I did not know. But, why do you want me to know?” Another time, at a tar and setar seminar in the Netherlands, we hosted that year’s special guest, Rahmatullah Badie and his daughter Parisa. Again, someone sitting next to me asked: “Do you know he is a Baha’i too?”, and before I lost my temper, he said with a smile: “How is it that such a small minority can produce so many brilliant individuals in all fields?”

Anti-Baha’i sentiment is not limited to Muslims alone. Reza Fani Yazdi, a member of the Tudeh Party, writes:

In early 1983, the Party suddenly issued a directive to its provincial organizations, ordering the expulsion of all Baha’i individuals from the Party. Accepting this directive was very difficult for me…. Our regional head was Habibullah Foroughian…. As justification for the expulsion of the Baha’i comrades, he used the same rationale as the authorities of the Islamic Republic: that the Baha’i network is a very complicated political network, which is run by the Israeli Intelligence Service (Mossad). I was sure the Party’s rationale was nonsense. The Party was more concerned about answering to the authorities of the Islamic Republic than it was about Mossad’s influence. The cleansing of the Baha’is was done to please the Islamic Republic.4

Is Yazdi right in thinking that the Tudeh Party expelled Baha’is out of fear or adulation? In my view, and that of anyone who knows Ehsan Tabari, that is not true:

What is certain is that not every Baha’i can be considered a foreign agent. But there is no doubt as to a relationship between the major Baha’i centers, the same as the Dashnak and the Zionist centers, and imperialist circles, and one can assume that imperialist espionage organizations, such as the CIA and the Intelligence Service, use Baha’i organizations for their own purposes.7

Ebadi had reached the “Bidad” gousheh. I suddenly remembered that Abdullah Shahbazi was also a member of the Tudeh Party who recanted in prison, and joined the Islamic regime’s security institutions, and wrote history for them. And, thus it is that murdering Baha’is is not done by the hand of the Faqih’s agents alone. Those “ruffians and riffraff”, who according to Mirza Aqa Khan carried out the dreadful massacre of the Babis, still reside in the depths of our psyche, to occasionally come out of hiding and ask: “Did you know he is also a Baha’i?”

And, that is how, in a cold winter morning of 2019, while listening with all my being to the “Hazin” gousheh of the Radif of Mirza Abdullah, I, Mazdak Bamdadan, realized, whether I wanted to or not, I had become a Baha’i.

By the way, does anyone know that Mirza Abdullah is also a Baha’i?

May God protect Iran from enemies, famine and lies.

_____

Notes:

  1. The Dark Abyss of History, How did Islam come about?
  2. Kitab-al-Ansab, Abi Saad Abdul-Karim ibn Muhammad ibn Mansour Sam’ani
  3. Dimitri Ivanovich Dolgorukov
  4. http://www.velvelehdarshahr.org/node/164
  5. The Iranian Society in the time of Reza Shah, Page 116-117, Ehsan Tabari
  6. Editor’s note: Gousheh (گوشه) or Melodic motion is the quality of movement of a melody, including nearness or farness of successive pitches or notes in a melody. The common repertoire in the Persian classical music consists of more than 200 short melodic motions, which are classified into seven modes (dastgāh دستگاه). Two of these modes have secondary modes branching from them that are called āvāz. This whole body is called radif, of which there are several versions, each in accordance to the teachings of a particular master (ostād).
  7. Editor’s note: Baha’is are supposed to avoid membership in political parties. The central teaching and a fundamental principle of the Baha’i Faith is the unity of mankind. The sole purpose of the Baha’i community and the primary focus of its endeavors all over the world is to establish true and universal peace on earth. In contrast, the inherent nature of partisan politics, and the intent of their members and activities is to devote their efforts to overcoming the rival parties, and to oppose their ideals and tenets. This is in direct repudiation of the above principle of unity promoted by the Baha’i Faith. By membership in different political parties, members of the Baha’i Faith would be expected to show allegiance to their respective parties, therefore, opposing their fellow-Baha’is belonging to other parties. This would mean that a community whose mission is to unite mankind, would itself be divided internally by the differing and often opposing ideas and goals of its members by virtue of their political party affiliations.

Facebooktwitterpinterestlinkedin

The post How I Became a Baha’i appeared first on Iran Press Watch.

Appeals Court; Soheil Haghdoost, Baha’i from Qaemshahr, Sentenced to Prison

Source: www.hra-news.org

Translation by Iran Press Watch

HRANA News Agency – Branch 28 of the Mazandaran Provincial Appeals Court sentenced Soheil Haghdoost, a Baha’i from Qaemshahr, to four months’ of prison. On April 18, 2018, the second Branch of the Revolutionary Court of the City of Sari sentenced this Baha’i to one year of prison, on a charge of propaganda against the regime. This charge was apparently because Mr. Haghdoost provided information about the forced closure of his business in 2016, and is continuing to follow up on this matter.

According to HRANA News Agency, the news arm of Human Rights Activists in Iran, on January 5, 2019, Baha’i Soheil Haghdoost, a resident of Qaemshahr, was sentenced to 4 months in prison by Branch 28 of the Appeals Court of Mazandaran Province.

In the proceedings issued by the appeals court, the charge against this Baha’i citizen was propaganda against the regime.

This Baha’i resident was previously sentenced to one year in prison for this crime by Branch 2 of the Revolutionary Court of the City of Sari on April 18, 2018.

A source close to Mr. Haghdoost told the HRANA reporter: “After the closure of his place of business and those of a number of other Baha’is in Mazandaran Province, Soheil Haghdoost has been subjected to judicial pressure in various ways, including two arrests and the search and inspection of his house and confiscation of equipment and belongings.”

Soheil Haghdoost was arrested on July 25 2017 for disseminating information related to the forced closure of his place of business and that of other Baha’is in Mazandaran Province, and pursuing legal remedies on this matter; he was released on bail of 200 million Tomans ($60,000) after four days.

Soheil Haghdoost‘s optical store was closed and sealed on November 2, 2016, along with shops owned by a number of other Baha’is living in the Province of Mazandaran.

Following the forced closure of their businesses, Mr. Haghdoost, along with other Baha’is, took legal steps to follow up with the prosecution to break the seal and open their businesses; however, so far, after 27 months, no actions have been taken in this regard.

Baha’is in Iran are systematically deprived of freedom of religion. This systematic deprivation is in direct contradiction to Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to both of which Iran is a signatory: “All persons have the right to religious freedom, the right to change their religion or belief, and the freedom to express their belief individually or collectively, in public or private.”

According to unofficial sources there are more than 300,000 Baha’is living in Iran, but the Iranian constitution recognizes only the religions of Islam, Christianity, Judaism and Zoroastrianism, and does not recognize the Baha’i religion. Therefore, over the past years, Baha’is’ rights have been systematically violated in Iran.

The ban on economic activity of Baha’is in Iran continues, even though under Article 77 of the Charter on Citizens’ Rights related to the Right to Employment and Decent Work, it guarantees “the right of citizens who, freely and without discrimination and in accordance with the law, choose and apply to the profession they are willing to pursue. No one can deny this right to citizens for reasons of ethnicity, religion, gender, or disagreement in political or social orientations.”

Based on their religious beliefs, Baha’is close their businesses on their religious holidays. However, police forces and Intelligence and Security agencies close and seal their businesses in response. This is in spite of the explicit legal and civil rights of individuals to practice their religious beliefs and manage their own businesses as they see fit.

Facebooktwitterpinterestlinkedin

The post Appeals Court; Soheil Haghdoost, Baha’i from Qaemshahr, Sentenced to Prison appeared first on Iran Press Watch.

Baha’i Atousa Ahmadayi Sent to Evin Prison

Source:  www.hra-news.org

Translation by Iran Press Watch

HRANA News Agency – Atousa Ahamadayi (Khorrami), a Baha’i living in Tehran, who was arrested yesterday by security forces after a search of her house and confiscation of some personal belongings, was taken to Evin Prison.

According to HRANA News Agency, the news arm of Human Rights Activists in Iran, today, Monday, January 21, 2019, Atousa Ahmadayi (Khorrami), a Baha’i who was arrested yesterday in Tehran, was sent to Evin Prison.

Yesterday, a source close to this detained Baha’i said: “Today, a group of officials from the Ministry of Intelligence, comprised of seven men and a woman, went to Atousa Ahmadayi’s house and arrested her. In addition to the arrest, these Intelligence forces searched her house for personal items and confiscated them, including books, laptops and religious material. They did not tell the Ahmadayi family where she was being taken; they merely told her family “she will call you”. During her arrest, the agents accused her of being guilty of acting against national security.”

Atousa Ahmadayi has been arrested and transferred to Evin Prison at a time when she and her family are caring for her father, who had a stroke.

Baha’is in Iran are denied freedom of religion. This systematic deprivation exists even though Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights state: “Every individual has the right to freedom of religion, change of religion with conviction, and freedom to express their religion or belief, either alone or in community with others, and in public or private.”

According to unofficial sources there are more than three hundred thousand Baha’is living in Iran, but the Iranian Constitution recognizes only the religions of Islam, Christianity, Judaism and Zoroastrianism, not the Baha’i Faith. Therefore, recently Baha’i rights have been systematically violated in Iran.

Facebooktwitterpinterestlinkedin

The post Baha’i Atousa Ahmadayi Sent to Evin Prison appeared first on Iran Press Watch.